The chancellor has tackled this week's spending review comparable to a unwilling swimmer creeping into freezing water, striving to ease the discomfort through gradual entry.
Reeves started tackling the issue of insufficient funds near the end of summer. At first, she would not to stand by previous statements that tax rises in the prior year's budget would be the final ones.
Then, recently, she took a larger step into the freezing waves. A speech promised to "take required actions" to finance public services and control borrowing costs down.
Within 10 days, the exchequer had retracted the implication. The election promise still stood ultimately. Like every freezing-water swimmer realizes, this aborted plunge and quivering retreat is the worst of all methods. No tactic draws out the pain like indecision.
It's hard to be resolute when choosing between levels of self-inflicted harm.
Optimism has not been a effective strategy for the administration. Central of the Labour leader's election bid was the unrealistic hope of in some way satisfying citizens' desire for better state services without undoing large sums of Tory tax cuts.
Never has both the prime minister or Reeves adequately expressed a impression of collective goal to explain all this difficulty. To some extent that is a problem of charisma. Starmer and Reeves are uncannily similar in their communicative deficiency, wooden and reticent in a way that repels listeners off instead of pulling them closer.
Similarly to public demand to fund government services has forced the finance ministry to concede that revenue must go up, the financial necessity of increasing growth makes it ever harder to disregard the expense of disconnection from the continental trading bloc.
Ministers spent a period splashing in the initial phase of realignment with the EU: suggestions to remove customs checks on food items; a student movement initiative. Aspiration went a more substantial on power generation, military and protection collaboration, but no significant agreements has so far been signed.
Without clear direction and drive from the prime minister's office, talks are bogged down. The European Commission says trading benefits are obtained with financial input to the European funds. British officials know that's the deal. That doesn't lead them enthusiastic for a open dispute and Nigel Farage howling betrayal over any cost ends up being settled.
Financial circumstances has caused some shift in the administration's tone on the EU relationship. Reeves has begun naming EU withdrawal alongside the Covid pandemic as a reason of financial harm that the exchequer is striving to address. Cabinet members have followed suit, although they deliberately attribute the responsibility to "a bad Brexit deal" or "the way we left", never just "Brexit".
The problem of the nation's future relationship with the European Union can't be simplified to administrative modifications and customs systems when the entire international system is in constant change. In light of everything that has occurred since the Brexit vote, it feels reasonable still to be posing the core matter: were the nation's concerns advanced by leaving the European Union?
These constitute harsh, difficult truths about the nation's situation in uncertain global circumstances. It is expected that Starmer and Reeves flinch from the challenge. It would take them beyond their capabilities, into trends that they dare not oppose. So as an alternative they continue anxiously walking the shore, wishing that possibly in the near future the tide will turn.